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Czechia : Whoever wins on October 3–4, 2025, the winners will be the bourgeoisie and capital. The proletariat will bear the burden.

Bourgeois democracy is not a neutral ground but a form of rule of capital. The lackeys from among experts and petty shopkeepers do nothing but play along. Casting ballots is not a means of defending workers’ interests but a mechanism to keep them passive, to tie them to the politics of class collaboration, to the illusions of personalist and electoral politics, and to divert them from the necessity of their own reorganization and preparation for class struggle.

The two electoral blocs —SPOLU with ODS at its head, STAN, Pirates on one side, and the “sovereigntists” with ANO at its head, together with SPD, Motorists and others on the other— differ only in style and rhetoric, not in political content. The result will be the same: the workers will pay for the crisis, and the bourgeoisie will continue to rake in the profits.

The right (ODS, Christian Democrats, etc.) is responsible for all the harshest attacks on wages, pensions, and unions, as well as for the pro-Zionist and pro-Israeli policy supporting the extermination of the Palestinian people. Klaus 1994: unions lost the right to halt work for reasons of occupational safety and health; Topolánek 2008: increase in the minimum contribution period for pensions from 25 to 35 years; Nečas 2011–12: raising the retirement age above 65, the second pillar (private pension savings), anti-union reforms; Fiala 2024–25: return to raising the retirement age up to 67, the “flexi-amendment.” The left (social democrats) never decisively repelled such attacks: Paroubek 2006 did not change Klaus’s 1994 reform (after three previous left governments!); Sobotka 2017 did abolish the second pillar, but halted the endless rise of the retirement age only right before the elections (when ANO was advocating a “flexible model based on life expectancy”). No left government since 1991 —and there were five, plus one in coalition with ANO— removed the restrictions on strikes: limiting them only to disputes over signing collective agreements, banning them in disputes over the fulfilment of already signed agreements or over wages set by law, requiring advance notice, and obliging workers to ensure operation with regard to “life or health.”

ANO and the “sovereigntists” promise an “alternative,” but they will preserve the established framework and add a divisive agenda: attacks on migrants, minorities, women, and environmental protection. After the fall of the corrupt Social Democracy (ČSSD), the system is content with two blocs to deceive the proletariat.

The entire framework of the electoral “plebiscite” —“democracy and pro-Western orientation” versus “authoritarianism and pro-Russian orientation”— is false. It is nothing but the struggle of two factions of the bourgeoisie for control of the same state. The media exaggerate when they speak of a “clash of civilizations,” in order to conceal the reality of job precarization, rising prices, the deterioration of health and social services, and the real decline in living standards.

The state maintains social peace in two ways: on the one hand, through subsidies and social benefits that dampen the discontent of the working masses; on the other, through sinecures by which it binds the trade union apparatus and reformist leaders, so that they act as reliable agents of the bourgeoisie within the working class.

Democracy absorbs everything — even former “extremists.” It has room for everything, except for independent class struggle. Bourgeois politics rests on dividing the proletariat: attacks on immigrants, minorities, women, and the militarization of the streets under the pretext of alleged crime.

The bourgeois state, in the role of the “good cop,” seeks positive integration, class collaboration, a democratic form of participation; in the role of the “bad cop,” it prefers the iron fist, attacks on foreign proletarians, on women who rebel against poorly paid work and against the “second shift” at home, where they prepare for free the new generation of labor power for exploitation, on minorities, sowing division… In both cases, the aim is to divert proletarian anger away from the real culprits: capital and its state.

In the elections of October 3–4, 2025, the proletariat has nothing to gain. It is not about the “lesser evil,” it is about choosing the warden of the same prison. But it is not only about the “formal” nonexistence of alternatives: democratic elections are a numbing farce.

Class, anti-capitalist and ultimately revolutionary electoral abstention is not passivity, but an active political rejection of the electoral circus, combined with political work to revive the class struggle: work to rebuild classist workers’ associatism, to use the organizational and material means of the strike as a fundamental tool of workers’ struggle, to expand activities in workplaces and in the streets, both against the representatives of class collaborationism within the working class itself, and against repression.

Such work would be entirely futile without a clear anti-capitalist and class orientation, and without the preparation of a class communist party, in contact with the working class and its daily struggle against capitalism and bourgeois oppression.

This orientation logically excludes any front with the bourgeoisie, whether democratic, “left-wing,” or “anti-imperialist.”

For the unity of the proletariat above sectoral, national, and racial divisions !

Il comunista - le prolétaire - el proletario - proletarian - programme communiste - el programa comunista - Communist Program